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An open-air sanctuary on an amphora by the Pittore delle Gru and the cult of Artemis in early Etruria

Un sanctuaire en plein air sur une amphore par le Pittore delle Gru et le culte d’Artemis dans la première époque d’Etrurie
Gabriel Zuchtriegel
p. 5-11

Résumés

Cet article étudie l’iconographie et la signification d’une amphore orientalisante du Musée National de Madrid. Le vase a été attribué au « Pittore delle Gru » par M. Martelli. Selon l’interprétation de cet auteur, la peinture représente un lieu de culte en plein air dans un bosquet. Des lieux de culte similaires sont connus principalement par les fouilles archéologiques et par des sources écrites postérieures, cette représentation contemporaine sur l’amphore à Madrid est donc très exceptionnelle. Les découvertes d’ossements d’animaux à San Giovenale et à Tarquinia, ainsi que la scène peinte sur cette amphore, témoignent d’activités cultuelles liées au monde sauvage et aux cerfs entre les 9e et 7e siècles avant J.-C. en Étrurie. On peut conclure qu’il y avait une tradition indigène concernant de tels cultes, qui furent liés (probablement à partir du 6e siècle) à la déesse Grecque Artemis.

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  • 1 I would like to thank Vincenzo Bellelli and Vincent Jolivet for their advice. I owe a special thank (...)
  • 2 Galerie Guenter Puhze, Katalog 12, p. 15 nr. 155.
  • 3 Olmos 2003, p. 118-19.

1In the Museo Arqueológico Nacional at Madrid there is an Orientalizing amphora of uncertain provenance (fig. 1-4).1 In the 1990s it was on the art market at Freiburg (Germany).2 In the course of the decade it made its way into the Várez-Fisa Collection in Spain, and from there to the National Museum at Madrid.3 The amphora is said to come from Italy, but further details about its original context are lacking.

  • 4 Martelli 2001, p. 14; Olmos 2003, p. 118.

2The amphora (height 0.52 m) has a high foot, ovoid body and cylindrical neck and is covered with a beige engobe. The paintings upon it are in dark brown. Between ornamental stripes and triangles on the foot there is a big figural frieze showing trees or bushes. Between the trees, there seems to be represented something like a clearing in a forest, with a table standing in the middle of it. On the table four objects can be distinguished, but it is difficult to say what they are supposed to be – they may be vessels, thymiateria or anthropomorphic idols.4 The most striking element of the frieze is a big stag jumping over the table towards the right side of the clearing. Its antlers almost reach the top of the scene. Five spears made of branches exactly like the ones on the trees are stuck in the back and the neck of the stag.

  • 5 Martelli 2001, p. 7, p. 11-15. An amphora by the Pittore delle Gru has also been found at Veii.

3As Marina Martelli has demonstrated, there can be no doubt about the attribution of this amphora to the so-called Pittore delle Gru, who was working at Cerveteri (Caere) at the beginning of the seventh century BC.5

  • 6 Martelli 2001, p. 14; Olmos 2003, p. 119.

4In this paper, I would like to try to specify the meaning of the depiction. Martelli and Olmos have already emphasized the sacral connotations of the objects placed on the table, the stag and the trees, associating the trees with the motif of the “tree of life”.6 To be sure, it is unclear what the objects on the table are supposed to be, but it is without controversy that they represent some kind of offering placed on an altar. Certainly the whole frieze should be seen as belonging to one scene: what we see is an open-air sanctuary – characterized by the offerings on the table – situated in a grove.

  • 7 Gàbrici 1906, p. 170-239.
  • 8 Steingräber 1979, p. 168 (table type 1a).

5The depiction gives us an idea of how Tyrrhenian open-air sanctuaries may have looked in early times. Considering how little we know about the appearance of such cult sites from archaeological excavations, this reading is noteworthy. The existence of open-air sanctuaries in Etruria has been established for some time by archaeological excavations, for example at Pozzarello near Bologna,7 but the archaeological record can only provide limited help in reconstructing their appearance and function. The depiction of the table and the offerings on the Madrid Amphora is particularly revealing, since archaeologists usually find the offerings buried in the ground, and thus we have little idea of how they were arranged before their final deposition. Tables like the one depicted on the amphora are otherwise known from representations in graves of the later seventh century BC. In reality they probably were of bronze or wood.8 Being represented in many graves, these tables used to be regarded as tables for commemorative meals, but obviously they could also serve as altars. I would like to argue further that the stag, due to its dominant position, must have something to do with the cult place. The scene seems to testify to the idea of a deity connected with wilderness, especially with wild game and hunting.

Fig. 1-4 – Orientalizing amphora (beginning VIIth cent. B.C.). Madrid, National Museum (Photo Archive of the National Museum, Madrid).

  • 9 Camporeale 1984.
  • 10 Camporeale 1984, p. 187.

6As already mentioned, the Madrid Amphora is of uncertain provenance. But since it is almost intact, it comes most probably from a grave. Hunting scenes appear on swords, razor blades, and other prestige objects in Etruria from the Villanova Period onward.9 Most of these objects have been found in graves.10 Hunting scenes and depictions of deer on grave goods may be seen as referring to the elevated social status of the deceased. On the Madrid Amphora, however, more is depicted than simply deer and hunting. Here the forest and deer pertain to cult activities and veneration.

  • 11 On San Giovenale see Olinder and Pohl 1981, p. 80. Bronze figurines of female and male deer from a (...)

7The existence of cult activities related to deer, wilderness, and hunting may also be confirmed by finds from a deposit at a sacred spring at San Giovenale (South Etruria).11 In this deposit hundreds of pieces of animal bones have been found: 62 of swine (Sus scrofa), 44 of sheep or goat (Ovis vel capra), 174 of cattle (Bos taurus) and 416 of deer (Cervus elaphus). Among the latter, 285 are antlers or parts of antlers. According to the excavators, the bones were buried in the late eighties or early seventies of the seventh century BC, together with ritually used pottery. Some of the antlers were not taken from dead animals but were collected after being shed by stags. Thus their presence cannot be explained merely by cooking activities. Equally improbable is the existence of a workshop specializing in processing bones. In fact, the high number of antlers in the deposit points to cult activities connected with game and deer, and possibly with hunting, just as I have suggested for the Madrid Amphora.

  • 12 Bonghi Jovino and Chiaramonte Treré 1997, p. 103-110, p. 150.

8Another South-Etruscan site which has yielded fragments of antlers in big numbers is Pian di Civita in ancient Tarquinia. The excavation report lists around 300 fragments which can be related to cult activities of the ninth to the seventh centuries BC. The cult was started at a natural cave.12

  • 13 On Pian di Civita see also Nielsen and Rathje 2009, p. 264-268.
  • 14 Pfiffig 1975, p. 268; Krauskopf 1984, p. 774, with bibliography.
  • 15 Pfiffig 1975, p. 268.
  • 16 Pfiffig 1975, p. 268; Nielsen and Rathje 2009, p. 268 f.
  • 17 Camporeale 1984, p. 188.
  • 18 Kunze 2009, p. 84.
  • 19 Krauskopf 1984, p. 778 f., nr. 24a.
  • 20 Krauskopf 1984, p. 778, nr. 15.

9The Madrid amphora and the findings from San Giovenale and Tarquinia are virtually the only evidence in Etruria dating from before the sixth century BC for this kind of cultic activity.13 In later times, cultic rituals involving stags and hunting would be connected with Artemis-Diana. It has been argued that there was no equivalent to Artemis-Diana in the Etruscan pantheon and that Greek Artemis was adopted relatively early in Etruria.14 The earliest evidence, however, is still notably later than the Madrid amphora and the depositions at San Giovenale and Tarquinia. Pictures of Artemis reached Etruria on Corinthian vases, as alabastra from Caere and Vetulonia testify.15 Of course it cannot be confirmed whether or not the Etruscans identified Artemis in these representations, since the veneration of Artemis is securely attested in Etruria only some decades later. A bucchero fragment of the sixth century BC from Veii bears a graffito saying Artimi16, yet the evidence for Etruscan Artemis being a goddess of hunting remains scarce during the sixth and fifth centuries BC.17 An Etruscan bronze statuette of a female figure holding a bow in her left hand may be important here, but it is not clear that the figure really is carrying a bow rather than another object, because the object in its hand is fragmentary.18 The statuette, which is of uncertain provenance (now at Dresden), dates to the first half of the sixth century BC. On a black figured «Pontic» amphora at Basel of the third quarter of the sixth century Artemis is shooting arrows at a lion and the lion itself is pursuing several stags.19 A scarabaeus from Cerveteri from around 500 BC shows Artemis holding a bow as a stag walks beside her.20

  • 21 Cfr. Krauskopf 1984; Nielsen and Rathje 2009, p. 284-288.
  • 22 Gerhard and Körte 1897, p. 16, pl. 10; Nielsen and Rathje 2009, p. 275, fig. 15.
  • 23 Del Chiaro 1974, p. 41-42, p. 50-51, pl. 41, 52; Jolivet 1984, p. 66, pl. 32,5-8.
  • 24 Krauskopf 1984, p. 779 nr. 25.
  • 25 Cfr. Kahil 1984, p. 714 nr. 1196; p. 732 nr. 1399; p. 653 f., nr. 396-403. For a possible compariso (...)
  • 26 Del Chiaro 1974, p. 124, pl. 101.
  • 27 See also: Trendall 1953, p. 232.

10Only in the fourth century BC does Artemis come to be more regularly associated with deer and hunting.21 On a bronze mirror from Orvieto Artumes rides on a deer and another deer stands beside her (fig. 5). The scene takes place in the middle of a forest at a spring where fawns are drinking.22 On two late fourth century BC redfigured oinochoai from Caere a woman is shown driving a chariot drawn by stags. In light of the inscription from Orvieto, the identification of the charioteer as Artemis seems perfectly convincing.23 On the relief of a black glazed situla from Volterra from the late fourth or early third century BC we see Artemis grasping a stag by the antlers with one hand and throwing a spear at it with the other.24 In contrast to the scene on the Madrid amphora, the pictures on the vases from the fourth century are clearly inspired by Greek models.25 The deer-headed female figure on a calyx-krater of the «Campanizing Group», attributed by Mario Del Chiaro to a Caeretan workshop,26 should be mentioned here too, although its meaning remains unclear.27

Fig. 5 – Bronze mirror from Orvieto, Providence, Rhode Island School of Design 25.071 (line drawing by the author based on Gerhard and Körte 1897, pl. 10).

  • 28 See also: Krauskopf 1984.

11As these finds show, some instructive evidence exists concerning the cult of Artemis in Etruria, particularly in the South Etruscan area,28 but none of it is as early as the Madrid Amphora and the evidence from San Giovenale and Tarquinia.

  • 29 Cato fr. 58 (Peter); Strabo 4,1,4-5. Cfr. de Cazanove and Scheid 1993.
  • 30 Cfr. H. Broise, in: de Cazanove and Scheid 1993, p. 145157; Scheid 1998.
  • 31 Pfiffig 1975, p. 51.
  • 32 Bouma 1996, vol. III, p. 60-64; Diosono and Ghini, forthcoming.
  • 33 Alföldi 1960.
  • 34 . Cfr. Gordon 1932; Fenelli 1992; T.F.C: Blagg, in: de Cazanove and Scheid 1993, p. 103-109.

12We may, however, take a closer look at the Faliscan and Latin-speaking regions which border South Etruria. In Latin texts, the sanctuary of Diana at Nemi is called lucus in nemore, that means «clearing in the (holy) grove».29 The word lucus is also used for the holy grove of Dea Dia outside Rome, where the Fratres Arvales held their sacrifices,30 and for the Lucus Feroniae, something like a tribal or federal sanctuary of the Faliscans.31 Whereas the sanctuaries of Dea Dia and Feronia seem to have been connected with fertility of men and crops, at Nemi the sanctuary’s location in a grove seems to coincide with the veneration of a deity that explicitly is connected with wilderness, hunting and deer, namely Diana. One may object that Diana only later became a goddess of wilderness and hunting, and that due to Greek influence. This may actually be the case. Archaeological investigations have demonstrated that the sanctuary of Diana Nemorensis dates back to the eighth century BC, possibly even to the Late Bronze Age, but it remains unclear from what moment the goddess of Nemi was specifically called Diana and what character she had at the foundation of the cult.32 Late Republican coins show a trimorphic cult statue of Diana-Hekate at Aricia. One of the three female figures is holding a bow. According to Andreas Alföldi, the trimorphic cult statue shown on the coins can be dated stylistically to the sixth century BC,33 but cannot be proven. It is also true that there is evidence from the fourth century BC onward for Diana of Nemi being a healing goddess, but during the Middle Republican Period this is the case for almost all gods.34

  • 35 Simon 1984, p. 792-795.

13Regarding the early periods, at the very least the Madrid Amphora confirms the possibility that a deity connected with hunting and game was being worshipped in a sacred grove in Tyrrhenian Italy at the beginning of the seventh century BC. It is true that Diana was a distinctively Latin goddess,35 but ritual and architectural forms could have easily traveled between Caere and adjacent Latium.

  • 36 Livy 27,4,12 (Anagnia); Pliny, Nat. hist. 16,242 (Tusculum); Horace, Carm. 1,21,5 and carm. saec. 6 (...)
  • 37 For example InscrIt, IV, 1,23. Cfr. de Grummond 2005, p. 264-270, with bibliography.
  • 38 Inventory no. 2002890

14Literary evidence indicates that there were further sanctuaries of Diana in Latium situated outside the settlements.36 At Rome, the sanctuary of Diana on the Aventine outside the archaic pomerium was called ara Dianae even in later times, obviously because it was originally an open-air sanctuary characterized merely by an altar and not by an aedes.37 This concept lives on until the Imperial Period. In the court of the Museo delle Terme at Rome there is a little marble altar, probably from the first century AD (fig. 6-8).38 On its front side it bears a relief of a jumping deer, on the right side a tree alongside arrows and a torch, both attributes of Diana. On the left side there is a dog, on the back side a boar. The representation seems to repeat elements of the Madrid amphora in important ways: the central position of the deer, which is connected with an altar (this time a real one); the avoidance of the immediate, anthropomorphic representation of the deity; and the allusion to a lucus.

  • 39 Cfr. Iliad 5,51-57.
  • 40 Kahil 1984, p. 717, nr. 1231, with bibliography.
  • 41 Cfr. Nielsen and Rathje 2009, p. 264-268; 290.

15The amphora at Madrid and the finds from San Giovenale and Tarquinia suggest that what we see on the altar from the Museo delle Terme stands in an Tyrrhenian tradition that dates back at least to the seventh century BC, though it remains unclear at what moment elements of Greek Artemis were added to the tradition. As discussed above, Artemis is attested on inscriptions in Etruria from the sixth century BC onwards, but her relation to deer and hunting is widely proven only from the fourth century BC. The issue is part of a wider debate on the adoption and transformation in Italy of Eastern models, especially from Greece. The veneration of Artemis Elaphebolos («deer-shooting» Artemis) is attested in the Iliad.39 In Greek orientalizing art we find representations of deer-hunting Artemis, for example on a «Melic» amphora at the National Museum at Athens.40 But as far as I am aware, direct parallels to the scene on the Madrid amphora are lacking. At the same time, the findings from Tarquinia and San Giovenale seem to point to the existence of indigenous hunting cults.41 In any case the Madrid Amphora provides unique insight into how a Caeretan artist and his clients were looking at a cult-place at the beginning of the seventh century BC.

Fig. 6-8 – Stone altar at Rome, Museo delle Terme (photo G. Zuchtriegel).

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Bibliographie

Alföldi 1960 = A. Alföldi, Diana Nemorensis, in AJA, 64, 1960, p. 137-144.

Bonghi Jovino and Chiaramonte Treré 1997 = M. Bonghi Jovino and C. Chiaramonte Treré (eds.), Tarquinia. Testimonianze archeologiche e ricostruzione storica. Scavi nell’abitato 1982-1988, Rome, 1997.

Bouma 1996 = J. Bouma, Religio votiva: The Archaeology of Latial votive religion. The 5th-3rd c. BC votive deposit south west of the main temple at Satricum, Borgo Le Ferriere, I-III, Groningen, 1996.

Camporeale 1984 = G. Camporeale, La caccia in Etruria, Rome, 1984.

de Cazanove and Scheid 1993 = O. de Cazanove and J. Scheid (eds.), Les bois sacrés: actes du colloque international organisé par le Centre Jean Bérard et l’École pratique des hautes études, Naples, 23-25 Novembre 1989, Naples, 1993.

de Grummond 2005 = E.C. de Grummond, Sacred sites and religion in Early Rome eigth to sixth century BC, Ann Arbor, 2005.

Del Chiaro 1974 = M. Del Chiaro, Etruscan red-figured vase painting at Caere, Berkeley, 1974.

Diosono and Ghini, forthcoming = F. Diosono and G. Ghini, Il santuario di Diana Aricina: nuovi scavi, in M. Torelli (ed.), Sacra nominis latini. I santuari del Lazio dalle origini alla fine dell’età repubblicana. Atti del convegno a Roma 19-21 febbraio 2009, forthcoming.

Fenelli 1992 = M. Fenelli, I votivi anatomici in Italia: valore e limite delle testimonianze archeologiche, in Pact. Revue du Groupe européen d’études pour les techniques physiques, chimiques et mathématiques appliquées à l’archéologie, 34, 1992, p. 127-137.

Fontannaz 2005 = D. Fontannaz, La céramique protoapulienne de Tarente: problèmes et perspectives d’une recontextualisation, in La céramique apulienne. Bilan et perspectives. Actes de la Table Ronde, Naples, Centre Jean Bérard, 30 novembre – 2 décembre 2000, Naples, 2005, p. 125-142.

Gàbrici 1905 = E. Gabrici, Monumenti antichi, XVI, Rome, 1905.

Gerhard and Körte 1897 = E. Gerhard and G. Körte, Etruskische Spiegel, V, Berlin, 1897.

Gordon 1932 = A. E. Gordon, On the origin of Diana, in TAPhA, 63, 1932, p. 177-192.

Haynes 2000 = S. Haynes, Etruscan civilization. A cultural history, Los Angeles, 2000.

Jolivet 1984 = V. Jolivet, CVA, Paris Louvre (22), Paris, 1984.

Kahil 1984 = L. Kahil, Artemis in LIMC, II,1. Zurich-Munich, 1984, p. 618-753.

Krauskopf 1984 = I. Krauskopf, Artumes in LIMC, II,1. Zurich-Munich, 1984, p. 774-792.

Kunze 2009 = M. Kunze (ed.), Die Etrusker. Die Entdeckung ihrer Kunst seit Winckelmann. Katalog einer Ausstellung im Winckelmann-Museum vom 19. September bis 29. November 2009, Mainz, 2009.

Martelli 2001 = M. Martelli, Nuove proposte per i Pittori dell’Eptacordo e delle Gru, in Prospettiva 101, 2001, p.2-18.

Nielsen and Rathje 2009 = M. Nielsen and A. Rathje, Artumes in Etruria. The borrowed goddess, in From Artemis to Diana. The goddess of man and beast. Acta Hyperborea 12, 2009, p. 261-302.

Olinder and Pohl 1981 = B. Olinder and I. Pohl, San Giovenale: the semi-subterranean building in Area B, Stockholm, 1981.

Olmos 2003 = R. Olmos, Gran ánfora itálica orientalizante con ciervo herido, in P. Cabrera Bonet (ed.), La Colección Várez Fisa en el Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Madrid, 2003, p. 118-19.

Pfiffig 1975 = A. J. Pfiffig, Religio etrusca. Sakrale Stätten, Götter, Kulte, Rituale, Graz, 1975.

Scheid 1998 = J. Scheid, Commentarii fratrum arvalium qui supersunt: les copies épigraphiques des protocoles annuels de la confrérie arvale, Rome, 1998.

Simon 1984 = E. Simon, Artemis-Diana in LIMC, II,1. Zurich-Munich, 1984, p. 792-855.

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Trendall 1953 = A. D. Trendall, Vasi antichi dipinti del Vaticano: vasi italioti ed etruschi a figure rosse, Città del Vaticano, 1953.

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Notes

1 I would like to thank Vincenzo Bellelli and Vincent Jolivet for their advice. I owe a special thanks to Lisa M. Mignone and Daniel Hogg for correcting this text and to Rosanna Friggeri (Soprintendenza speciale per i beni archeologici di Roma) for the permission to publish the altar in figures 6-8.

2 Galerie Guenter Puhze, Katalog 12, p. 15 nr. 155.

3 Olmos 2003, p. 118-19.

4 Martelli 2001, p. 14; Olmos 2003, p. 118.

5 Martelli 2001, p. 7, p. 11-15. An amphora by the Pittore delle Gru has also been found at Veii.

6 Martelli 2001, p. 14; Olmos 2003, p. 119.

7 Gàbrici 1906, p. 170-239.

8 Steingräber 1979, p. 168 (table type 1a).

9 Camporeale 1984.

10 Camporeale 1984, p. 187.

11 On San Giovenale see Olinder and Pohl 1981, p. 80. Bronze figurines of female and male deer from a deposit at Broglio (Valdichiana): Camporeale 1984, fig. 170.

12 Bonghi Jovino and Chiaramonte Treré 1997, p. 103-110, p. 150.

13 On Pian di Civita see also Nielsen and Rathje 2009, p. 264-268.

14 Pfiffig 1975, p. 268; Krauskopf 1984, p. 774, with bibliography.

15 Pfiffig 1975, p. 268.

16 Pfiffig 1975, p. 268; Nielsen and Rathje 2009, p. 268 f.

17 Camporeale 1984, p. 188.

18 Kunze 2009, p. 84.

19 Krauskopf 1984, p. 778 f., nr. 24a.

20 Krauskopf 1984, p. 778, nr. 15.

21 Cfr. Krauskopf 1984; Nielsen and Rathje 2009, p. 284-288.

22 Gerhard and Körte 1897, p. 16, pl. 10; Nielsen and Rathje 2009, p. 275, fig. 15.

23 Del Chiaro 1974, p. 41-42, p. 50-51, pl. 41, 52; Jolivet 1984, p. 66, pl. 32,5-8.

24 Krauskopf 1984, p. 779 nr. 25.

25 Cfr. Kahil 1984, p. 714 nr. 1196; p. 732 nr. 1399; p. 653 f., nr. 396-403. For a possible comparison to the figure of Artemis on the bronze mirror mentioned above see Fontannaz 2005, fig. 5 (fragment of an Apulian red-figured amphora).

26 Del Chiaro 1974, p. 124, pl. 101.

27 See also: Trendall 1953, p. 232.

28 See also: Krauskopf 1984.

29 Cato fr. 58 (Peter); Strabo 4,1,4-5. Cfr. de Cazanove and Scheid 1993.

30 Cfr. H. Broise, in: de Cazanove and Scheid 1993, p. 145157; Scheid 1998.

31 Pfiffig 1975, p. 51.

32 Bouma 1996, vol. III, p. 60-64; Diosono and Ghini, forthcoming.

33 Alföldi 1960.

34 . Cfr. Gordon 1932; Fenelli 1992; T.F.C: Blagg, in: de Cazanove and Scheid 1993, p. 103-109.

35 Simon 1984, p. 792-795.

36 Livy 27,4,12 (Anagnia); Pliny, Nat. hist. 16,242 (Tusculum); Horace, Carm. 1,21,5 and carm. saec. 69 (Mons Algidius); Martial 7,28,1 (Tibur). Cfr. F. Coarelli, in: de Cazanove and Scheid 1993, p. 45-52.

37 For example InscrIt, IV, 1,23. Cfr. de Grummond 2005, p. 264-270, with bibliography.

38 Inventory no. 2002890

39 Cfr. Iliad 5,51-57.

40 Kahil 1984, p. 717, nr. 1231, with bibliography.

41 Cfr. Nielsen and Rathje 2009, p. 264-268; 290.

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Table des illustrations

Légende Fig. 1-4 – Orientalizing amphora (beginning VIIth cent. B.C.). Madrid, National Museum (Photo Archive of the National Museum, Madrid).
Légende Fig. 5 – Bronze mirror from Orvieto, Providence, Rhode Island School of Design 25.071 (line drawing by the author based on Gerhard and Körte 1897, pl. 10).
Légende Fig. 6-8 – Stone altar at Rome, Museo delle Terme (photo G. Zuchtriegel).
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Pour citer cet article

Référence papier

Gabriel Zuchtriegel, « An open-air sanctuary on an amphora by the Pittore delle Gru and the cult of Artemis in early Etruria », Mélanges de l'École française de Rome - Antiquité, 123-1 | 2011, 5-11.

Référence électronique

Gabriel Zuchtriegel, « An open-air sanctuary on an amphora by the Pittore delle Gru and the cult of Artemis in early Etruria », Mélanges de l'École française de Rome - Antiquité [En ligne], 123-1 | 2011, mis en ligne le 04 juin 2013, consulté le 24 mai 2017. URL : http://mefra.revues.org/472 ; DOI : 10.4000/mefra.472

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Auteur

Gabriel Zuchtriegel

Universität Bonn, Institut für Klassische Archäologie, Bonn, Germany, gabrielzuchtriegel@yahoo.de

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